Unfortunately the 2 biggest producers are controlled by the vampire squid and have ties to Jeffrey Christian and the CPM group. Some may argue these organizations run the cartel and are at arm's length to the Western central banks and the Fed and are a big part of the process of doing God's work. Why else would Mulroney and George Sr end up with seats on Barrick's BOD. Kitco is also a sponsor of the CPM so that explains Nadler and the interns writing his garbage.

Jeffrey Christian

CPM Group was founded in 1986 by Jeffrey M. Christian. Mr. Christian was previously the head of commodities research at J. Aron & Company, which was acquired by Goldman Sachs & Co. Mr. Christian formed CPM group through a management buy-out of the commodities research group of Goldman, Sachs & Co. with the vision to provide independent market leading research on the commodities markets to a variety of customers ranging from sovereign governments to investment funds.

I don't think yo can make the following up:

Inside story: the Bush Gang and Barrick Gold Corporation
by Anton Chaitkin

Barrick Gold, caught scrambling for loot amid the 
corpses in Zaire, is a corporate front for the George 
Bush-allied covert political apparatus. The Canada-based 
Barrick is Bush's only known current business enterprise. 
The company, which Bush now personally leads, was created 
by Bush's political partners--British elite narcotics 
financiers, and arms traffickers and money launderers.

Using the influence of this political faction, 
Barrick acquired important interests, first in the United 
States, then in Canada and South America. In South 
America, as Barrick boasts in its 1995 annual report, the 
company has an aggressive, long-term approach, with mines 
and projects established in strategic locations in 
Argentina, Chile, Peru, Bolivia, and Brazil. ``Almost 
two-thirds of the exploration and development drilling 
budget will be spent in South America, where the company 
has decided to focus its efforts,'' the annual report 
states. In addition, with its intended conquests in 
Indonesia and Africa, the firm now says it aims to move 
from third to first among the world's largest gold mining 
companies. 

 We present here the results of {EIR'}s investigation 
of the Bush company, centering on the following principal 
figures: 
        
George Herbert Walker Bush:
whose father was a 
partner in the powerful London-controlled private banking 
firm Brown Brothers Harriman. Relevant to the Barrick 
story, Bush was U.S. vice president and chief of covert 
operations in the Reagan-Bush (1981-89) administration, 
and U.S. President (1989-93). As a former President and 
power broker, Bush is Barrick Gold Corp.'s chief lobbyist, 
a stockholder in Barrick, and honorary senior adviser to 
Barrick's international advisory board. 
        
Adnan Khashoggi:
a Bush-allied Saudi billionaire 
and arms trafficker, founder of the Barrick Gold Corp.; 
famous for his illegal weapons sales to Iran. 
        
Peter Munk:
a business failure who became a 
protege of the British royal family, and Khashoggi's 
partner. Munk is chairman of Barrick Gold Corp. 
        
Brian Mulroney:
Canadian prime minister (1984-93) 
and George Bush's errand boy; Barrick Gold lobbyist and 
director, Bush's lieutenant on the Barrick international 
advisory board. 

 Barrick Gold was founded in Toronto, Canada, in 1983. 
The majority investment in the firm was held by Khashoggi 
and his arms-trafficking partners, who were just then 
gearing up the Iran-Israel-Nicaragua guns and cocaine 
tangle which would explode in 1986 as the ``Iran-Contra'' 
scandal.
 
The nominal chief of Barrick Gold was Peter Munk, a 
Hungarian Jewish immigrant who had repeatedly ``died'' as 
a businessman, only to be repeatedly revived by princes 
and principalities. This much of Munk's story is before 
the public in a biography that was written and published 
with Munk's support, entitled {Peter Munk: The Making of a 
Modern Tycoon,} by Donald Rumball (Toronto: Stoddart 
Publishing Co., 1996). It vaguely describes Munk's public 
disgrace, his self-exile in London, and his sudden rise to 
near-billionaire status, ending with Munk's invitation to 
George Bush became honorary senior adviser to the 
board, created in May 1995. 
 
                - The Clairtone heist - 

Peter Munk first became notorious in Canada in the 
late 1960s, as the beneficiary in an insider trading 
scandal. Munk and a partner named David Gilmour owned an 
audio equipment manufacturing company that had been 
heavily subsidized by the province of Nova Scotia. Munk 
and Gilmour quietly dumped 29,000 shares of Clairtone 
stock in 1967, just before publication of the company's 
financial report tipped off other investors that the 
company was failing. After Munk sold at $9 per share, the 
stock plunged to $1. 

 Dr. Morton Shulman, a member of the legislative 
assembly of the province of Ontario, asked government 
representatives if Munk would escape with his money and no 
legal consequences (see Ontario Legislative Library record 
of Ontario provincial parliamentary debate on June 3, 
1969). 

 Ontario Minister of Financial and Commercial Affairs 
H.L. Rowntree responded that a court had been requested to 
order the Ontario Securities Commission ``to commence an 
action in connection with [Munk's] Clairtone Sound Company 
... for an action in the name of the company for the 
accounting of profits allegedly made by him by reason of 
the improper use of inside information.'' 

But there was no government action, and Munk would 
indeed escape. A Clairtone stockholder named John 
Adams, who had lost about $5,500, had filed a legal action 
against Munk. Munk hired attorney Charles Dubin, whom 
Shulman described as ``a lawyer who acts for the 
Conservative Party whenever there is an embarrassment to 
be covered up.... He is amazingly good at covering up 
Conservative scandals.... And Charles Dubin ... knew 
exactly how to go about subverting the law in this case.'' 

Shulman reported that Munk's attorney gave Adams 
$35,000 as a settlement, on Adams's agreement not to make 
the case public. Then, ``the lawyer for Adams and Charles 
Dubin went into the Judge's chambers ... [and] requested 
the judge to remove the papers from the registrar's office 
and keep them in his own private chambers, which the judge 
did.'
' 
Charles Dubin, Munk's inventive attorney, the fixer 
for Mulroney's Conservative Party, became Ontario's chief 
justice, and only recently retired.

The disappearance of legal papers in the Munk case 
discouraged other stockholders from going after Munk. But 
the resulting scandal made him a pariah in Canada, and 
Munk moved to London to start a new life. 
 
        - `Dope, Inc.' puts Munk back together -

The sister of Munk's partner, David Gilmour, had 
married one of the Vansittarts, a family high in the 
Anglo-Dutch aristocracy. Munk's approved biography reports 
that this Vansittart activated the formidable Sir Henry 
Keswick, who made arrangements to lift Munk into a new 
career. Keswick's family merchant banking firm, Jardine 
Matheson, had long been the British Empire's leading, 
out-in-the-open organizer of Asian illegal narcotics 
trafficking and drug-money-laundering. (Keswick, Jardine 
Matheson, and their cohorts are central figures in {EIR'}s 
book {Dope, Inc.} (Washington, D.C.: Executive 
Intelligence Review, third edition, 1992.) 

Jardine Matheson made Munk the chief executive of a 
Bahamas-registered hotel corporation called Southern 
Pacific Properties (SPP), with Jardine money, and 
Jardine's chief executive, David Newbigging, as a 
director. Then, Jardine's historical dope partner, the 
Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation Company (P&O), 
joined the Munk enterprise; P&O's Lord Geddes himself 
joined Newbigging on the Munk-SPP board. In future years, 
as Munk rose to world prominence in the gold business, the 
Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corp. and the Royal Bank of Canada, 
two ``Dope, Inc.'' financial agencies, would provide credit 
in the billions of dollars for Munk's expansion. 

Munk-SPP became a giant hotel owner in Australia and 
the South Pacific islands, and seized control of the 
Travelodge chain. 

Munk's rise in Australia was aided by his lifelong 
close association with fellow Hungarian emigre Sir 
Peter Abeles, Australia's transport mogul. Munk's 
stepfather had been secretary and assistant to Abeles's 
father in Vienna in the late 1940s. Abeles is reportedly 
known in Europe as ``the White Knight,'' in reference both 
to his British knighthood, and his reported large role in 
the cocaine trade. Jonathan Kwitney, in {The Crimes of 
Patriots} (New York: W.W. Norton, 1987), reports that, 
after Abeles encountered labor union problems in his 
American business, Abeles gave to gangster ``associates of 
... the most powerful Mafia leader in the United States 
... a 20% stake in his U.S. operations.'' His partners were 
indicted for hiding his payments, but Abeles refused to 
come to America to testify, and charges were dropped. 
 
       - Khashoggi, Barrick, and the ayatollahs -
 
In 1974, Munk signed an investment partnership 
agreement with arms-trafficking billionaire Adnan 
Khashoggi of Saudi Arabia. According to Munk's approved 
biography, the new alliance was cemented when Munk and 
Khashoggi were summoned to the London headquarters of 
Peninsular and Orient. P&O's hereditary boss was Lord 
Inchcape, whose predecessor in the 1920s (also Lord 
Inchcape) had directed Britain's India Commission to 
continue the Empire's opium production. 

Munk later told his biographer that he was 
nervous--Khashoggi was late and perhaps ``the P&O directors 
wouldn't wait for us and it would seriously harm the 
relationship. It was already remarkable that they should 
have a Jew and an Arab together in their dining room.'' 
But, the mighty Lord Inchcape convinced Khashoggi to 
plunge in, and Khashoggi now provided most of the cash for 
the Munk enterprise. 

Since this arrangement was sealed back in the 1970s, 
Munk has grown in favor as London's creature. He became a 
regular skiing partner of Prince Charles, who recently 
attended the opening of a Munk speculative real estate 
venture (a factory outlet mall) in Germany. Munk is a 
member of the elite ``1001 Club,'' co-founded by Prince 
Philip, a worldwide grouping of aristocrats, bankers, and 
speculators who support a radical anti-industrial, 
``pro-environmentalist'' looting strategy, and who provide a 
lion's share of the funding for Prince Philip's World 
Wildlife Fund. 

The first Khashoggi-Munk-London venture was an 
attempt to build a 10,000-acre ``jet set'' resort complex 
immediately adjoining the Egyptian pyramids. As the scheme 
threatened to destroy the entire historical/archeological 
area, it evoked mass protests, and could not be forced 
through. Munk sued Egypt's government, and was eventually 
awarded $17 million by an international referee.

Khashoggi and his associates, backers of the British- 
and Bush-linked faction of the arms trade, created 
Barrick Petroleum Corp. in 1981, registered as a Delaware, 
U.S.A., corporation. Junior partner Munk, having returned 
from London, set up a parallel ``Barrick Resources'' in 
Canada. 

But Munk's name was anathema to Canadian investors. 
So, Khashoggi was brought in to lend his prestige to Munk. 
Khashoggi made a televised publicity tour of the Toronto 
stock exchange, and announced that he had purchased 10,000 
(Canadian) Barrick shares. At that point, in fact, 
Khashoggi, his brother, and their international associates 
already controlled the company, partially through 
Khashoggi's Lichtenstein-U.S.A. conglomerate, ``Triad.'' 

Munk was now launched as a corporate chairman in 
Canada. But this first Barrick, an oil development firm, 
went bust and lost all its money.
 
In 1983, the Khashoggi-led group formed the gold 
company whose name was soon changed to Barrick Gold Corp. 
Sheik Kamal Adham was reportedly one of the new company's 
founding co-owners. Adham, the chief of Saudi 
intelligence, had coordinated royalist guerrillas in 
Yemen, with British arms secretly provided through 
Khashoggi.
 
Beginning in 1985, Khashoggi borrowed $21 million, 
using his Barrick stock as collateral, for the covert 
transfer of arms to Iran for the Bush-North group, during 
an official U.S. arms embargo against the Khomeini regime. 
Khashoggi made Donald Fraser, the Toronto-based 
businessman who allegedly provided the loan from his 
Cayman Islands company, president of Khashoggi's Triad 
American holding company
 
Khashoggi used the Monte Carlo office of the Bank of 
Credit and Commerce International to launder money for 
Iran arms sales. Barrick Gold Corp. co-founder Kamal Adham 
was later prosecuted for fraud in the BCCI case, and paid 
a $100 million fine. 

Khashoggi's Saudi royal piggybanks also underwrote 
George Bush's Central American ``Contras'' adventures, 
making payments through the Swiss Bank Corp. and a Cayman 
Islands bank, totalling about $27 million. 

When the Iran and Contra scandals blew up in 1986, 
U.S. Attorney General Edwin Meese linked the two scandals 
in a Nov. 25 public revelation. The next day, Munk 
announced a shareholders' meeting to decide on an urgent 
restructuring plan. A new organization emerged, keeping 
the Khashoggi group in control, but easing Khashoggi out 
of the limelight and making Munk the sole public 
figurehead. Personnel were shifted into the Canada 
organization out of Khashoggi's Triad operations in Utah. 
Tariq Kadri, Khashoggi's longtime attorney, was made 
president of the Horsham holding company that was put over 
Barrick.
 
As the U.S. Congress took up the arms-for-drugs 
investigation and other trails leading to Vice President 
Bush, Khashoggi became too hot for the Canadian 
partnership, and the Khashoggi group's shares were 
officially sold off. Khashoggi was himself arrested in 
1989, in a fraud case involving the Philippines' Marcos 
regime. Taken from Switzerland and jailed in New York, 
Khashoggi was bailed out with a $4 million check from his 
partner, Peter Munk. 
 
             - Bush cashes his gold chips -
 
        In 1986-87, at the height of the Iran-Contra 
controversy, the Barrick Gold Corp. acquired the 
Goldstrike property in Nevada for $63 million. The land, 
proving to hold $10 billion in gold, was the property of 
the U.S. government. Bush was elected President in 1988, 
and his administration put through a special 
dispensation--applied only to the Barrick Gold Corp.--to 
speed up the normal procedures for a mining company to 
take official title (``patent'') to the land. 

With the Bush Goldstrike intervention, Barrick Gold 
shot up from insignificance, to world power status, and 
Bush himself climbed onboard.
 
President Bush's ambassador to Canada (1989-92), 
Edward N. Ney, had been for many years a Bush political 
operative and an international coordinator of Bush's 
``privatized'' intelligence activities. In 1992, Ney quit as 
ambassador and became a director of the Barrick Gold Corp.
 
The following year, Brian Mulroney resigned as 
Canadian prime minister. Mulroney was the most unpopular 
Canadian politician; but, in power, he had directly aided 
Barrick's international ventures, and had worked closely 
with Bush to force through free trade agreements. Munk 
immediately hired the former prime minister as a Barrick 
step-'n'-fetchit. The approved biography explains Munk's 
point of view:
 
        ``Mulroney [was] the unhappy lightning rod for the 
angst of a whole nation, in office and out. Munk was well 
aware of these feelings toward his new recruit.... After 
nine years trotting around the world to meet world 
leaders, he had incomparable access to Presidents and 
prime ministers in all the key spots.... Mulroney arranged 
the necessary access to the key decision makers. Munk was 
starting to salivate at the prospect of an inside track 
into the huge Chinese territory.'' 

Mulroney has been paid over $300,000 per year by Barrick
 
Barrick announced in May 1995, that a new 
international advisory board was being assembled, under 
the leadership of ``honorary senior adviser'' George Bush, 
the former U.S. President, who, like Mulroney, had 
recently lost his job at the hands of the voters.
 
On Nov. 27, 1996, the French newspaper {Le Monde} 
leaked the news that Barrick had been granted a concession 
to prospect for gold in Zaire--a lead which prompted the 
present {EIR} Barrick investigation. Canadian newspapers 
that same day reported that Barrick Gold had convinced the 
government of Indonesia to award to Barrick control over 
the world's largest gold find, and that {George Bush and 
Brian Mulroney had personally done the heavy lobbying} to 
accomplish this. 

The Indonesia deal is indeed startling. The small 
Canadian mining company Bre-X Minerals Ltd. had intended 
to develop the Busang gold mine, on East Kalimantan. 
Suddenly, the government announced that it demanded that 
Barrick Gold Corp. be cut in to a 75% ownership stake in 
the mine, which is estimated to hold 57 million ounces of 
gold, with a current estimated value over $20 billion.
 
 {EIR} contacted Placer Dome Inc., a rival company 
which has been bidding for the right to develop a share of 
the Busang mine. A Placer Dome spokesman would make no 
comment on Barrick Gold, saying only, of his own firm, ``We 
are a gold mining company, not a political organization.'' 

The U.S. Republican Party, of course, has been 
attempting to use President Clinton's fund-raising 
relationship with Indonesian supporters as a scandal to 
break the President. Former President Bush, meanwhile, has 
been reportedly telling world leaders, privately, that the 
Clinton Presidency is destroyed; that his son, Texas Gov. 
George W. Bush, will be the next President, reviving the 
Bush dynasty; and that, therefore, leaders would be smart 
to work with him now. 

Barrick's barracudas

In announcing the creation of Barrick Gold Corp.'s 
international advisory board on May 3, 1995, Barrick 
Chairman Peter Munk said, ``They will be providing 
strategic advice on geopolitical issues affecting 
Barrick.'' In fact, they are components of the 
geopolitical dirty tricks apparatus centered around former 
President George Bush. The following is a brief profile of 
key members of Barrick's international advisory board and 
its board of directors: 
        
George Bush:
       serves as ``Honorary Senior Adviser.'' 
        
Brian Mulroney:

prime minister of Canada from 
1984 to 1993. Mulroney became prime minister after 
backers of the Nicaraguan Contras helped knock out his 
competitor, Joe Clark. There were no serious 
investigations of the `Iran-Contra' Canadian connection. 
Mulroney sacrificed his political career by talking 
Canadians into accepting Bush's North American Free Trade 
Agreement (NAFTA). Though Canadian banks benefitted, 
350,000 industrial jobs were lost, and Mulroney became the 
most hated man in Canada. In the 1993 elections, Canadians 
voted out all but 2 of his party's 169 members of 
Parliament. 

 In 1994, Mulroney's phone calls to the Presidents of 
Chile and Argentina, and the prime minister of China, 
helped Barrick move into gold mines in those nations. His 
``advice'' was rewarded with $1.2 million in stock options 
and $300,000 in fees. Rev. Sun Myung Moon rewarded 
Mulroney and Bush for their vouching for him in 
Ibero-America in November 1996. Mulroney, a board member 
of Archer Daniels Midland, ran ADM's internal 
``investigation'' of its price-fixing scandal. 
        
Howard H. Baker, Jr

 (R-Tenn.) served in the U.S. 
Senate from 1967 to 1985, and was Reagan's chief of staff 
during 1987-88. He is on many corporate boards and runs a 
lobbying firm, which includes Barrick among its clients. 
        
Paul G. Desmarais, Sr

is the richest man in 
Canada, and a member of Her Majesty's Council for Canada. 
He runs Power Corp. of Canada--which generates political 
power. He serves on many boards with Maurice Strong, a top 
operative of Prince Philip's World Wide Fund for Nature. 
For example, Desmarais and Strong are Honorary Director 
and Honorary Chairman, respectively, of the China-Canada 
Business Council. Desmarais used his contacts in China to 
win electricity-generating contracts for Power Corp., and 
to obtain gold concessions for Barrick. Desmarais is 
part-owner of Europe's largest private TV network, the 
banking Groupe Bruxelles Lambert, and Belgium's Petrofina 
oil giant. As a Commander of Belgium's L'Ordre de Leopold 
II, it seems natural for him to be involved with Barrick 
in recolonizing the former Belgian Congo. 
        
Vernon E. Jordan, Jr

was president of the Urban 
League from 1971 to 1981, when former Democratic National 
Committee chairman Robert S. Strauss recruited him to 
become a senior partner in his law firm. Jordan is 
influential in the Democratic Party and in corporate 
America. 
        
Andro'nico Luksic

is a Chilean oligarch who was a 
big winner in Chile's Thatcherite sell-off of state 
assets. He is building a South America-wide banking empire 
as the local partner for Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, the 
central bank of the opium trade, and for Spanish banking 
interests. They have snapped up banks in Chile, Argentina, 
and Peru--countries which Bush would like to integrate 
into a Western Hemisphere Free Trade Accord. In 1994, 
Barrick acquired 500 square miles of Chile's El Indio 
gold, silver, and copper district, containing 9.5 million 
ounces of gold. It also has mines in Peru, Argentina, 
Bolivia, and Venezuela. 
        
Peter Munk:

a member of the 1001 Club (see article, p.|19. 
        
Karl Otto Pohl

was president of the Bundesbank, Germany's central 
bank, from 1980 to 1991; he was a top official of the International 
Monetary Fund and Bank for International Settlements, and is a 
member of Germany's Social Democratic Party. 
        
Jose E. Rohm

manager of Argentina's private 
Banco Central de Negocios, is an expert in turning the 
privatization of state assets to personal advantage. 
        
Robert M. Smith

the only real gold miner in the 
bunch; chief operating officer of Barrick Gold. 
 
               - The board of directors - 
        
Edward N. Ney

Bush's appointee as ambassador to 
Canada (1989-92), is a Barrick director. Ney became CEO of 
Young and Rubicam in 1970, where he fired one-third of the 
staff, and built it into the world's biggest ad and public 
relations agency. He supervised George Bush's 1988 ad 
campaign, including the infamous racist ``Willie Horton'' 
ad. As ambassador, he helped jump-start the NAFTA 
initiative of Bush and Mulroney, with propaganda 
saturation from Y&R's Burson-Marsteller division, which he 
now controls. Burson-Marsteller is a veritable private 
diplomatic service, with agencies in 34 countries. 
        
J. Trevor Eyton

known as ``Canada's most powerful businessman,'' brokers 
the incestuous relations among the Club of the Isles' families 
which are based in Canada. Eyton started his career in 
British intelligence's Argus-Hollinger nexus, next to media 
magnate Conrad Black. Since 1979, he has managed Brascan and 
other entities for the Bronfman family. He was appointed a 
Canadian senator as a reward for channelling the Bronfmans' 
money into buying the 1984 election for Mulroney's party, and 
to help get the Bush- and Mulroney-backed NAFTA three-way accord 
with the United States and Mexico through the Canadian 
Parliament. When the Bronfmans fused with Barrick, Eyton 
joined its board.